The British Helsinki Human Rights Group monitors human rights and democracy in the 57 OSCE member states from the United States to Central Asia.
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Sex and the Peacekeepers, or the “Who, Whom?” of Human Trafficking
HITS: 9745 | 19-02-2008, 15:30 | Commentaire(s): (0) |
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Any adult knows that it takes two for prostitution to exist. There must be a client as well as a whore. Forced prostitution requires three participants: the passive women, the man who pays, and the pimp who cashes in on his girl’s subjection to another man’s desires. Prostitution, forced or voluntary, depends as with any other product, legal or illicit, for demand to foster supply. Where is the market for sex slaves from Moldova, Ukraine or even Transnistria?
Although US, EU and OSCE mediators and monitors wax indignant about the alleged human trafficking via Transnistria, they are remarkably reticent about where the women and girls forced into prostitution are obliged to work as sex-slaves. The answer is that they are overwhelmingly deployed to satisfy the sexual needs of US, EU and OSCE personnel and soldiers in Kosovo, Macedonia and Bosnia. If the West had not intervened in the Balkans and deployed tens of thousands of mainly male personnel to control the region, the sex trade would not exist there to remotely the degree that it has boomed since 1995. Such is the poverty of most local men in the Balkans that even if they wished to exploit Moldovan or Ukrainian girls and women they could not afford to.
If the US, EU and OSCE were serious about clamping down of modern sex slavery, they would institute strict and punitive codes of behaviour to regulate their own personnel in the Balkans. But that would probably cause a mutiny among our peacekeepers and civil society activists. However, since neither Western governments nor international agencies like the OSCE are honest about the role of their own personnel in supplying the demand for sex slaves in the Balkans, it would be naïve to accept their claims about Transnistria’s alleged role in the trafficking.
No woman, gun or narcotic can reach the Balkans or the EU from Transnistria except via Moldova or Ukraine. Since neither arms nor narcotics are produced in Ttransnistria even these alleged exports must first enter the unrecognised state from Moldova or Ukraine before being exported back through one or other pro-Western state. It is difficult to see even what criminal purpose would be served by such a convoluted procedure.
It is true that Transnistria does produce babies who grow up on average 50% of the time to become women, but as this Group’s investigation of sex slavery from Moldova to Balkans showed in the past, the oldest profession is much less common in Ttransnistria than in poverty-stricken Moldova. Just as thousands of young men have sold body parts (especially kidneys) to make ends meet in Moldova, so naïve or recklessly hopeful young women from Moldova have wanted to believe the false promises of genuine jobs offered by Balkan pimps who lure them into forced prostitution. These girls have their passports taken from them, are sold onto Balkans gangs who threaten punishment against their relatives, for instance mothers hoping to receive a Western Union payment from their “secretary” or “au pair” daughter in the West. In Kosovo and Bosnia the girls are kept in the brothel-prisons near Western military garrisons until they are replaced by new talent.
If the West is able to interpose its forces as peacekeepers and monitors in Transnistria and the other unrecognised states which its busybody quasi-non-governmental activists agencies are constantly demanding, then a further boom in Moldovan human trafficking can be expected, albeit that the unfortunate girls will be obliged to service Western sexual demands on their territory – no doubt progress of a sort over the grim journey in the back of ostensibly commercial 40 tonne trucks to the backdoor of Camp Bondsteel in Kosovo.[1]
Although the OSCE which seeks to mediate in the dispute between Chisinau and Tiraspol, plays a key role in Kosovo, it neither acknowledges its failure to prevent organised crime taking control there nor tolerates critics of its failures. The Polish ombudsman for Kosovo until 2005, Marek Nowicki, was effectively removed from office for drawing attention to the role of international agencies in the criminalization of Kosovo if only by their negligence and inaction. Recently, Nowicki declared, “Crime groups have been able to operate with impunity…You have a criminal state in real power - it needs underground illegal structures to supply it with everything to survive.”[2] Could there be a greater condemnation of the OSCE and its sister international agencies as the disease of corruption masquerading as its cure?

[1] See e.g. Amnesty International, “Kosovo: International peacekeepers fuelling explosion in sexual exploitation, trafficking and human misery” (6th May, 2004): document/15346.html, or any of Google’s 519 links to KFOR and Moldovan prostitutes.
[2] See Tom Walker, “Albanian gangs running Kosovo” in The Australian (11th April, 2006):,20867,18778323-2703,00.html.



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